Kejriwal is who he is because he has the audacity not to want to do political business. If there is an element of exaggeration in what he says, it does not matter because electoral politics is shaped to a great extent by public perception
With his decision to go gale speed at Mr. Narendra Modi,
the convener of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), Arvind Kejriwal, has buried
his own ambiguous past, and, in a first for any anti-corruption
campaign, chosen to fight the “right” rather than fight on the same side
as the “right.”
All of India’s anti-corruption
mobilisations have targeted the Congress exclusively as if there were no
transgressions by those on the “right.” The rightward tilt has been a
feature of every anti-graft movement, from 1971 through 1974-1975, 1977
and 1989. If in 1971, the Swatantra Party, the Congress (Organisation)
and the Jan Sangh banded together to form a “Grand Alliance” against
Indira Gandhi, in 1974, the same parties regrouped in aid of Jayaprakash
Narayan’s Total Revolution, and in 1977, coalesced into the Janata
Party. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak
Sangh (RSS) propped up V.P. Singh’s 1989 campaign against Rajiv Gandhi,
and offered him support in government.
Enlisting the right
At
its core, the Anna Hazare movement was fiercely anti-political;
however, while the campaign was abusive towards the formally structured
political party, it was almost naive in its accommodation of
organisations with covert political leanings. Thus, the Anna campaign
was opposed to the BJP but not to those spiritually and philosophically
connected to the party such as Baba Ramdev and the RSS. If anything, the
Anna campaign was shrilly nationalistic, using the same symbols and
slogans as the adherents of Hindutva, and speaking in an idiom favoured
by them. In a 2011 interview, Anna advocated hanging Ajmal Kasab and
Afzal Guru from the city square as a lesson to future terrorists.
Unsurprisingly, Mr. Ramdev shared the dais with Anna, while elements
from the RSS managed the logistics. Today, whatever fig leaf there was,
has been blown off by Anna associate Kiran Bedi’s robust endorsement of
Narendra Modi for Prime Minister.
Mr. Kerjiwal viewed
corruption from the same prism as Anna: He wanted the Congress
extinguished and it didn’t matter if the mission required enlisting the
“right.” His first choice to lead the anti-corruption movement was Mr.
Ramdev; in April 2011, Mr. Kejriwal attended a two-day anti-corruption
seminar organised by the RSS-blessed Vivekanada International
Foundation. A prominent participant at the seminar was RSS pracharak and
Hindutva ideologue K.N. Govindacharya who recently spoke of a longish,
on-and-off association with Mr. Kejriwal. In an interview to The Economic Times,
Mr. Govindacharya also let it be known that in July 2011, he and Mr.
Kejriwal mutually decided to “fight for the same cause but on different
platforms.”
Mr. Kejriwal continued to back Mr. Ramdev
up until August 2012, when the latter went on a fast to demand the
repatriation of black money from Swiss banks. Tweeting his support,
Mr.Kejriwal said: “It is not a Swami Ramdev or Team Anna issue; people
must stand united (against corruption).”
Change in strategy
So,
for close to 45 years, fighting corruption in India has meant just one
thing: fighting the Congress in alliance with right-wing organisations
and parties. By declaring war on the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate,
and directly and boldly questioning his friendship with the big
corporates, Mr. Kejriwal has signalled a historic shift in the
trajectory of India’s anti-corruption campaign. Last week, he took the
fight right into Gujarat with a ferocity and guts that stunned friends
and critics alike.
The Congress has come to be seen
as the fountainhead of corruption for the simple reason that it has been
in power the longest. Yet, in recent decades, corruption has spread far
and wide, taking in its sweep not just the BJP but the full complement
of regional and sub-regional parties. Nobody currently targeting
corruption can afford to miss this fact.
The AAP
started out by being blinkered in its opposition to the Congress. Mr.
Kejriwal’s party was so fixated on the Congress’s corruption that by
comparison it almost seemed benignly disposed towards the BJP. Through
the Delhi Assembly campaign, the AAP remained unwaveringly focussed on
the Congress and Sheila Dikshit. On a national level, it identified the
Congress with everything that had gone wrong with the country, thereby
appearing to spare the BJP of any blame.
So what
explains the change in the AAP’s strategy? First, the loss of the Delhi
government freed the AAP from having to be necessarily Delhi-centric. As
a first-time Chief Minister, Mr. Kejriwal was under obligation to show
quick results which, combined with the vigilante orientation of his
government, meant that he and his ministers would never be far away from
trouble. From then Law Minister Somnath Bharti’s midnight raid on the
African nationals of Delhi’s Khirki extension to Mr. Kejriwal’s own
theatrical sit-in dharna at Rail Bhawan, the AAP seemed destined to be
in the headlines for the wrong reasons. With the government gone, the
AAP had to confront the rapidly changing national picture. And the
change was the decline of the Congress and the larger-than-life
emergence of Mr. Modi.
Mr. Kejriwal could not
continue to target the Congress exclusively without seeming to give a
pass to NaMo. Besides, it was clear that the Congress had all but lost
the general election. The AAP and its convener needed to revise their
strategy, which they did by expanding their field of vision to include
the BJP, and especially its prime ministerial candidate. The BJP had
reaccommodated B.S. Yeddyurappa, whom the party ousted citing
corruption, and, of course, the elephant in the room was Mr. Modi’s
corporate links.
Mr. Modi’s opponents, including the
Congress, attacked Mr. Modi relentlessly and yet spared him where he was
possibly most vulnerable. Mr. Kejriwal’s trademark daredevilry meant
that he would go where the others didn’t.
Corporate links
The
AAP convener has done the smartest thing he could by bombarding Mr.
Modi with daily posers on his alleged Ambani-Adani connection. Mr.
Kejriwal has brought in Mukesh Ambani via the KG Basin gas pricing and
he has wondered at the meteoric rise of Gautam Adani coinciding with the
Chief Ministership of Mr. Modi. And he has done this in NaMo’s Gujarat,
thereby earning enormous credibility.
Mr. Modi has
so far been censured on the 2002 anti-Muslim violence. But this has
become an overplayed card, with the BJP being able to cite a favourable
Gujarat lower court ruling on Zakia Jafri’s complaint against Mr. Modi
and 61 others. That the appeal process in the case is still to be
exhausted is evident enough. Yet the “clean chit” has become the most
potent weapon in the Modi campaign’s armoury. The “clean chit” has also
been seized by political parties styling themselves as “secular” but
nonetheless wanting to keep the door open for future business with Mr.
Modi.
Mr. Kejriwal, on the other hand, revels in his
isolation. He is who he is because he has the audacity not to want to do
political business. If there is an element of exaggeration in what Mr.
Kejriwal says, it does not matter because electoral politics is shaped
to a great extent by public perception. The courts never directly proved
Rajiv Gandhi’s guilt in the Bofors case but the perception of guilt
ensured that he lost an election. NaMo’s gargantuan image and the
Gujarat model are also products of perception. When Mr. Modi throws
Gujarat development figures at the cheering crowds at his rallies, he
doesn’t expect them to investigate the details. And they don’t either.
Because for them, Mr. Modi is the man of the moment: He has appeared at a
time of galloping anger towards the Congress and the systemic
corruption it is seen to have fostered. Mr. Modi’s individual charisma
and the legend of the Gujarat model have vested him with superhuman
virtues.
Mr. Kejriwal can break Mr. Modi’s momentum
only if he manages to show that the Gujarat Chief Minister is complicit
in the very system that people are rebelling against. This explains the
AAP convener’s incessant refrain that the Congress and the BJP are
indistinguishable from each other and both bow before a higher corporate
God.
The AAP’s Delhi experiment exposed its hazy,
unformed thoughts on critical issues. Many of the party’s actions seemed
to arise from a majoritarian impulse which it defended on grounds of
popular anger and frustrations. The racist undertones of the Khirki
extension raid have in fact led to doubts about one of Mr. Kejriwal’s
principal planks — the mohalla sabha premised on the people’s
requirements being met through localised majority voting.
With
the Delhi government gone, the AAP has returned to what it knows best:
rail and rally at the corruption of its opponents. The Congress looks
set to lose the election. It is the turn of the BJP and Mr. Modi to feel
the heat.
Vidya Subrahmaniam
vidya.s@thehindu.co.in
Keywords: electoral politics, Arvind Kejriwal, Aam Aadmi Party, anti-corruption campaign, Narendra Modi, BJP, Congress, Modi corporate connection, Modi Adani connection, right wing, Gujarat model, AAP Delhi experiment, KG gas pricing, Mukesh Ambani
http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/arvind-kejriwals-right-fight/article5770846.ece?homepage=true
http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/arvind-kejriwals-right-fight/article5770846.ece?homepage=true
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