Wednesday, June 1, 2016

महत्वपूर्ण खबरें और आलेख श्रीश्री- यमुना विवाद : चोरी और सीनाजोरी | श्रीश्री के ‘अच्छे दिन’ आए

हस्तक्षेप के संचालन में छोटी राशि से सहयोग दें



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हिंदुत्व का एजंडा फर्जी,यह देश बेचने का नरसंहारी एजंडा हमें हिंदुत्व की बजाये फासीवादी नरसंहारी मुक्तबाजार के किले पर हमला करना चाहिए।क्योंकि हिंदुत्व के नकली किले पर हमले से वे जनता को वानरसेना में तब्दील करने में कामयाब है। राम मंदिर स्वर्ण मृग है और हम मृगमरीचिका से उलझे हैं और अबाध पूंजी के रंगभेदी वर्चस्व के खिलाफ हम कोई लड़ाई शुरु भी नहीं कर सके हैं। मराठी और बांग्ला के बाद आप चाहें तो हर भाषा और हर बोली में होगा हस्तक्षेप। अगर इस देश के दलित बहुजन स्त्री और छात्र युवा तेजी से केसरिया कायाकल्प की दिशा में बढ़ रहे हैं तो हम उनसे संवाद और विमर्श भी रोक देंगे तो आगे आत्मध्वंस का उन्मुक्त राजपथ है।हम हर माध्यम,हर विधा,हर भाषा के जरिये लोकसंस्कृति और विबविध बहुल सांस्कृतिक विरासत की जमीन पर खड़े होकर अगर वैकल्पिक सूचना तंत्र को खड़ा करते हुए जनपक्षधरता के मंच को मजबूत बना सकें तो हमारा हस्तक्षेप सार्थक होगा और इसके लिए हमें आप सबका समर्थन और सहयोग चाहिए। पलाश विश्वास

हिंदुत्व का एजंडा फर्जी,यह देश बेचने का नरसंहारी एजंडा

हमें हिंदुत्व की बजाये फासीवादी नरसंहारी मुक्तबाजार के किले पर हमला करना चाहिए।क्योंकि हिंदुत्व के नकली किले पर हमले से वे जनता को वानरसेना में तब्दील करने में कामयाब है।


राम मंदिर स्वर्ण मृग है और हम मृगमरीचिका से उलझे हैं और अबाध पूंजी के रंगभेदी वर्चस्व के खिलाफ हम कोई लड़ाई शुरु भी नहीं कर सके हैं।


मराठी और बांग्ला के बाद आप चाहें तो हर भाषा और हर बोली में होगा हस्तक्षेप।

अगर इस देश के दलित बहुजन स्त्री और छात्र युवा तेजी से केसरिया कायाकल्प की दिशा में बढ़ रहे हैं तो हम उनसे संवाद और विमर्श भी रोक देंगे तो आगे आत्मध्वंस का उन्मुक्त राजपथ है।हम हर माध्यम,हर विधा,हर भाषा के जरिये लोकसंस्कृति और विबविध बहुल सांस्कृतिक विरासत की जमीन पर खड़े होकर अगर वैकल्पिक सूचना तंत्र को खड़ा करते हुए जनपक्षधरता के मंच को मजबूत बना सकें तो हमारा  हस्तक्षेप सार्थक होगा और इसके लिए हमें आप सबका समर्थन और सहयोग चाहिए।


पलाश विश्वास


नागपुर यात्रा की उपलब्धियां छोटी छोटी हैं,लेकिन इससे हमें कमसकम दो कदम आगे बढ़ाने के रास्ते अब खुले नजर आने लगे हैं।


हिंदुत्व का एजंडा फर्जी,यह देश बेचने का नरसंहारी एजंडा है।


राम मंदिर स्वर्ण मृग है और हम मृगमरीचिका से उसझे हैं और अबाध पूंजी के रंगभेदी वर्चस्व के खिलाफ हम कोई लड़ाई शुरु बी नहीं कर सके हैं।


हमें हिंदुत्व के बजाये फासीवादी नरसंहारी मुक्तबाजार के किले पर हमला करना चाहिए।क्योंकि हिंदुत्व के नकली किले पर हमले से वे जनता को वानरसेना में तब्दील करने में कामयाब है।


मराठी और बांग्ला के बाद आप चाहें तो हर भाषा और हर बोली में होगा हस्तक्षेप।


नागपुर के इंदोरा इलाके के बेझनबाग में अखंड भारत वर्ष के एकदम केद्रीय बिंदू के बेहद नजदीक मराठी दैनिक जनताचे महानायक के दसवें वार्षिकमहोत्सव के मौके पर नागपुर की बेहद बदनाम कट्टर अंबेडकरी जनता के मध्य विशाल मंच पर बाबासाहेब भीमराव अंबेडकर और महात्मा गौतम बुद्ध की मूर्तियों के सान्निध्य में जाति उन्मूलन के प्रस्थानबिंदू से वैकल्पिक मीडिया के साथ अंबेडकरी आंदोलन की युगलबंदी हस्तक्षेप के युवा संपादक अमलेंदु उपाध्याय और महानायक के कर्मठ संपादक सुनील खोब्रागडे की अगुवाई में शुरु हो गयी।


उत्पीड़ित वंचित बहुसंख्य जनता के सक्रियसहयोग और समर्थन के बिना किसी भी काल में किसी भी देश में बदलाव के ख्वाबों को अंजाम देना संभव नहीं हुआ है।हमारे बदलाव के ख्वाब अंबेडकरी आंदोलन की जनोन्मुख परिवर्तनकामी दिशा के बिना बपूरे नहीं हो सकते तो हस्तक्षेप के मराठी संस्करण अंबेडकरी आंदोलन के मुखपत्र दैनिक जनतेचा महानायक के साथ गठजोड़़ के साथ शुरु हो पाना हमारे लिए एक निःशब्द क्रांति की शुरुआत है।


इसीके साथ बंगाल से बाहर जो पांच से सात करोड़ दलित बंगाली शरणार्थी हैं,सभी भारतीय राज्यों में विस्तृत उनके अखिल भारतीय संगठन निखिल भारत बंगाली उद्वास्तु समन्वय समिति के सक्रिय समर्थन के साथ बांग्ला हस्तक्षेप की शुरुआत भी हमारी छोटी उपलब्धि कही जा सकती है।


समिति के अध्यक्ष डां.सुबोध विश्वास मंच पर हाजिर थे।बंगाल से बी भारत विभाजन के बाद निस्कासित दलितों की इतनी बड़ी आबादी अब तक राज्यवार सत्ता दलों के मुताबिक या केंद्र सरकार की अनुकंपा मुताबिक मूक वधिर जीने को मजबूर रही है।इनकी नागरिकता छीन लेने और सर्वत्र आदिवासी भूगोल में बसाये गये इस विशाल जनसमूह की चीखों को हम देश के हर कोने से दर्ज करने की कोशिश में लगे हैं।


मैं अछूत दलित बंगाली शरणार्थी परिवार से हूं और जाति से ब्राह्मण अमलेंदु उपाध्याय हस्तक्षेप में मेरे हस्तक्षेप का जिस हद तक समर्थन करते रहे हैं और इस रीयल टाइम पोर्टल पर बाबासाहेब के मिशन को जैसे फोकस किया है और इसके साथ ही सुनील खोब्रागडे और डा.सुबोध विश्वास अपनी अपनी राजनीति को दरकिनार करते हुए वैकल्पिक मोर्चे पर नागपुर  वाशिंदा अंबेडकरी जनता के सात जिस खुले दिमाग से हमारे साथ है,उससे उम्मीद जगती है कि हम अलग अलग बंटी हुी जनता को अंततः गोलबंद करके समता और न्याय के निर्णायक लक्ष्य हासिल करने की दिशा में अब मजबूती से कदम रख पायेंगे।


हम मुक्तबाजार के तिलिस्म में बेतरह उलझे हुए हैं।नागपुर के रंगकर्मी और सर्वोदय आंदोलन के कार्यकर्ता रविजी ने कहा कि सत्ता और राष्ट्र का नरसंहारी स्वरुप दरअसल मुक्तबाजार का विशुध पूंजीवादी अवतार है जो चरित्र से धर्म और नैतिकता के खिलाफ है और यह धर्मोन्मादी राष्ट्रवाद दरअसल मुक्तबाजार है और मुक्तबाजार के राष्ट्रद्रोही सिपाहसालारों का एजंडा हिंदुत्व नहीं है और न वे कोई रमामंदिर बनानने जा रहे हैं।उनका एजंडा देश बेचने का एजंडा है।


हम इससे सहमत है और हम मानते हैं कि हिंदुत्व का एजंडा उनका है ,कहते हुए इस देश की आम जनता की आस्था से उनकी खिलवाड़ और धर्मोन्मादी राष्ट्रवाद के मुकतबाजारी देश बेचो कारोबार के पक्ष में उन्हें हम धर्मोन्मादी ध्रूवीकरण का मौका दे रहे हैं।हमें हिंदुत्व के बजाये फासीवादी नरसंहारी मुक्तबाजार के किले पर हमला करना चाहिए।


अगर इस देश के दलित बहुजन स्त्री और छात्र युवा तेजी से केसरिया कायाकल्प की दिशा में बढ़ रहे हैं तो हम उनसे संवाद और विमर्श भी रोक देंगे तो आगे आत्मध्वंस का उन्मुक्त राजपथ है।हम हर माध्यम,हर विधा,हर भाषा के जरिये लोकसंस्कृति और विबविध बहुल सांस्कृतिक विरासत की जमीन पर खड़े होकर अगर वैकल्पिक सूचना तंत्र को खड़ा करते हुए जनपक्षधरता के मंच को मजबूत बना सकें तो हमारा  हस्तक्षेप सार्थक होगा और इसके लिए हमें आप सबका समर्थन और सहयोग चाहिए।


हमारे पास संसाधन कम है और फिलहाल हमें एक ही स्रवर से काम करना पड़ेगा और इसीमें विभिन्न भाषाओं और बोलियों में भारतीय जनता की रोजमर्रे का जिंदगीनामा दर्ज कराना पड़ेगा।अब हमारा लक्ष्य उत्तर प्रदेश है जहां से हम बहुत जल्द हस्तक्षेप उर्दू में भी शुरु करने जा रहे हैं।हमें जैसे जैसे जिस जिस भाषा और बोली से समर्तन और सहयोग मिलता रहेगा,हम उनके लिए नेटव्रक और स्पेस बढ़ाते रहेंगे और पूरी मदद मिली तो अलग अलग सर्वर भी लगा लेंगे।


नागपुर से चलकर हम वर्धा विश्विद्यालय गये,जहां गर्मियों की छुट्टियां चल रही हैं और ज्यादातर शोध छात्र वहीं जमे हुए हैं।विभिन्न सांस्कृतिक वैचारिक अस्मिता पृष्ठभूमि के सात जुड़े इन छात्रों ने जिस अंतरंगता से जनप्रतिबद्ध वैकल्पिक मीडिया,माध्यम और विधा के हमारे प्रस्ताव पर विमर्श में शामिल हुए हैं,उससे हमारी कोशिश रहेगी कि हम देश के हर विश्वविद्यालय के छात्रों और शिक्षकों को हस्तक्षेप से जोड़ लें।छात्र समाज ही वर्गहीन जातिविहीन शोषणविहीन समता और न्याय के प्रति और जनप्रतिबद्ध समाज का आइना है और तमाम विश्वविद्यालयों में लिंगभेद न्यूनतम है और कमोबेश विमर्श का लोकतंत्र भी वहां है।


इसके विपरीत सामाजिक परिदृश्य मुक्तबाजार के अखंड राज में अत्ंयंत भयंकर है।कमसकम वर्धा हिंदी विश्वविद्यालय के छात्रों ने अंबेजकरी जनता को सोथ लेकर अंबेडकरी मिशन के तहत जाति उन्मूलन के मिशन के तहत जनप्रतिबद्ध वैकल्पिक मीडिया की हमारी परिकल्पना का समर्थन किया है तो इसके लिए हम छात्र और युवासमाज के प्रति आभारी हैं और हमें पूरा विश्वास है कि मौजूदा व्यवस्था बदलने में यह नई पीढ़ी कोई कसर बाकी नहीं रहने देगी।


कोलकाता में लौटने पर पता चला कि कोलकाता के मध्य केंद्रीय स्थल पर नेताजी और रवींद्रि के चरणचिन्हों से परिष्कृत ऐतिहासिक भरत सभा हाल में पांच जून को रोहित वेमुला और चूनी कोटाल को याद करते हुए छात्रों युवाओं की पहल पर जाति उन्मूलन के लिए नागरिक कन्वेंशन का आयोजन हुआ है जो मनुस्मृति दहन से निःसंदेह ज्यादा क्रांतिकारी है।


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Thus,Dr.Upen Biswas projected as a national icon to kill Lalu Prasad politically was killed politically in Bengal by the refugees. After independence,it is perhaps for the first time that the cabinet has no refugee face to represent Dalit refugees. Keeping in mind the continuous persecution and ethnic cleansing of Adivasi people we should understand the urgency of Dalit Bengali refugees and leaders to align with respective ruling parties in different states as survival kit as they have been converted as mobile bonded vote bank as Indian Muslims are. I am concerned with Bengali dalit refugees and NIKHIL BHARAT BANGALI UDBASTU SAMANWAY SAMITEE has its network all over India specifically in twenty two states where refugees resettled them.I am not bothered about the leadership and stand with NIKHIL BHARAT BANGALI UDBASTU SAMANWAY SAMITEE and its organization and cause to ensure civic and human rights and citizenship for Bengali dalit refugees as I always refrain to stand with any politic

মমতা ব্যানার্জীর মন্ত্রী সভায় উদ্বাস্তুরা উপেক্ষিত

Thus,Dr.Upen Biswas projected as a national icon to kill Lalu Prasad politically was killed politically in Bengal by the refugees.



After independence,it is perhaps for the first time that the cabinet has no refugee face to represent Dalit refugees.

Keeping in mind the continuous persecution and ethnic cleansing of Adivasi people we should understand the urgency of Dalit Bengali refugees and leaders to align with respective ruling parties in different states as survival kit as they have been converted as mobile bonded vote bank as Indian Muslims are.

I am concerned with Bengali dalit refugees and NIKHIL BHARAT BANGALI UDBASTU SAMANWAY SAMITEE has its network all over India specifically in twenty two states where refugees resettled them.I am not bothered about the leadership and stand with NIKHIL BHARAT BANGALI UDBASTU SAMANWAY SAMITEE  and its organization and cause to ensure civic and human rights and citizenship for Bengali dalit refugees as I always refrain to stand with any politician whatever may come.

I am trying my best to explain in depth the point raised by Dr.Biswas in a turmoil time while RSS Handed over Assam and North East to ULFA to make in Gujarat in Assam.Bengali Dalit refugees are not represented in Assam or Bengal not to mention the central government.

Palash Biswas


Nagpur.NIKHIL BHARAT BANGALI UDBASTU SAMANWAY SAMITEE President Dr.Subodh Biswas complains that Bengali Refuggees have no representation in Mamata`s news Cabinet.

The Matua leader Manjul Krishna Thakur and former CBI official famous for nabbing Lalu Prasad Yadav in fodder scam used to represent Bengali Refugees as late Kanti Biswas represented Bengali dalit refugees during Left regime.Earlier late Aporva Lal Majumdar who played key role with Dr.Gunodhar Burman to ensure reservation in banks,had been the speaker in Bengal Assembly during Congress regime.


Let me clarify,I belong to a dalit refugee family resettled in the Himalayan Terai and my late father Pulin Babu tried life long to unite Bengali refugees as they remain deprived of civic and human rights and stand stripped of citizenship.I may not betray the dalit refugee case and would not desert my people.


Most of the partition victim Bengali Dalit refugees were ejected out of their homeland east Bengal as well as West Bengal to reorganise the demography to sustain the dominance of the hegemony.Our people have been scattered all countrywide and a very few percentage of them have been resettled in Adivasi landscape of India.


Keeping in mind the continuous persecution and ethnic cleansing of Adivasi people we should understand the urgency of Dalit Bengali refugees and leaders to align with respective ruling parties in different states as survival kit as they have been converted as mobile bonded vote bank as Indian Muslims are.


Dr.Subodh Biswas is no exception as he has to make political alliances in different scenario.I do not bother about his politics as I never bothered about my father`s politics as he used to support Congress and had to stand against my cause.


I am concerned with Bengali dalit refugees and NIKHIL BHARAT BANGALI UDBASTU SAMANWAY SAMITEE has its network all over India specifically in twenty two states where refugees resettled them.I am not bothered about the leadership and stand with NIKHIL BHARAT BANGALI UDBASTU SAMANWAY SAMITEE  and its organization and cause to ensure civic and human rights and citizenship for Bengali dalit refugees as I always refrain to stand with any politician whatever may come.


Dr.Subodh Biswas knows beyond doubt that I have nothing to do with politics.I stand with the deprived masses and have nothing to do with the leaders converted as politician as we have to agenda to unite every Indian Citizen to achieve the dream destination of freedom fighters and the ultimate objective of justice and equality under the agenda of Annihilation of caste,Mission Ambedkar.


I am trying my best to explain indepth the point raised by Dr.Biswas in a turmoil time while RSS Handed over Assam and North East to ULFA to make in Gujarat in Assam.Bengali Dalit refugees are not represented in Assam or Bengal not to mention the central government.


I have no problem to stand with my people and their organization at all.Because I am not supporting any political party or leader.As Subodh has done an excellent job to organize the refugees,I have to stand with him for refugee cause irrespective of his politics.


Matua leader and the elder son of Congress minister and MP PR Thakur,the grand son of Guruchand Thakur crossed fence and joined TMC to become MP.After his death,his widow Mamata Thakur is the present MP.Meanwhile Manul joined BJP as his son was the BJP candidate in Bangaon Loksabha constituency and Manjul had to resign.Now Matua Home has become a batttlefield and Mamata Banerjee opt for an IAS officer to represent Gaighta where Matua headquarter Thakur Nagar is suituated.CPI filded eminent Dalit writre Kapil Krishna Tahakur for KapilThakur MP`s name sake and he lost.Matua clan has no representation in the state assembly.


On the other hand,DR.Upen Biswas was the minister in the department of scheduled caste welfare affairs.He failed miserably to represent refugees.


Mamata Bannerjee reopened every other case but did not order an investigation in Marichjhanpi genocide case whereas it was Rd Upen Biswas who used to raise Marichjhanpi voice until he became minister.He was a refugee leader and he remained almost underground or absconding during last tenure of Mamta Bannerjee rule.


Thus,Dr.Upen Biswas projected as a national icon to kill Lalu Prasad politically was killed politically in Bengal by the refugees.


After independence,it is perhaps for the first time that the cabinet has no refugee face to represent Dalit refugees.

Dr.subodh Biswas wrote:


মাননীয়া মমতা ব্যানার্জীর মন্ত্রী সভায় উদ্বাস্তুরা উপেক্ষিত,.........

উদ্বাস্তু ভোটবাংক পশ্চিম বাংলার রাজনীতিতে নির্নায়ক ভূমিকা বহনকরে। যারা মূখ্যমন্ত্রী নির্বাচিত করছেন,তারা মন্ত্রীপরিষদের ধারের কাছেও নেই।

মতুয়াদের দিদি মমতা,তাদের ও বৈমূখ করেছেন, বৈমূখ করেছেন নমশূদ্রদের। রাজবংশি ও পন্ড্রদের আশাজনক ভাগীদারি দেন নাই। আদিবাসীদের অবস্থা তথৈবচ। তাহলে মমতা দিদি কাদের নিয়ে মন্ত্রী পরিষদ গঠনকরলেন । পিছিয়ে পড়া মানুষের মন্ত্রীপরিষদে প্রতিনিধিত্ব নাথাকলে,তাদের সমশ্যা কিভাবে সমাধান হবে। যারা ২৪ ঘন্টা এ সির ঠান্ডা হাওয়ায় যারা থাকেন,ধনসম্পদের মাঝে জীবন কাটান,জীবনের অর্থই যাদেরকাছে উপভোগ,(ইনজয়) তারা গরীবমানুষের সমস্যার গভিরতা কিভাবে উপলব্দী করবেন।

সবমিলিয়ে অভিযাত্ব মন্ত্রীপরিষদ। মহত্বা গান্ধি ল্যাংটা সেজে ভারতের দলিতদের ভিক্ষারী করার ব্যাবস্থা করেগেছেন।জ্যোতিবাবু উদ্বাস্তু সেজে উদ্বাস্তুদের , কোমর ভেঙ্গে দিয়েগেছেন। দিদি তাতের শাড়ী আর হাওআই চপ্পল দেখিয়ে পিছিয়ে পড়া মানুষদের ,পিছনে ফেলার চিরস্থায়ী ব্যবস্থাকরে চলছেন।এটাই বাঙালি জাতির দূর্ভাগ্য।



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No more Rohits.No More Chunis.Please join the Annihilation of Caste Mass Convention organised by students right into the heart of Kolkata for the first time!


Kolkata.No more Rohits.No More Chunis.Long before Rohith,Chuni Kotal ,the tribal girl from Bengal Jangal Mahal had to commit suicide.But Chuni had been denied justice even aftre her death.Bengal intelligentsia led by Mahashweta Devi Fought for justice but universities remained silent.Now all universities stand united to fight the Manusmriti Aparheid.Chuni belnged to a tribe notified criminal by the British.But the Brahaminical Hegemony treats every dalit,adivasi community as criminal quoting Dr BR Ambedkar though.Every other Indian citizen is subjected to ethnic cleansing under free market hegemony of Manusmriti Apartheid.


Radhika Vemula, Raja Vemula, Dontha Prashanth, Koonal Duggal, Anand Teltumbde, Tathagata Sengupta and others will be speaking.Radhika Vemula, Raja Vemula, Dontha Prashanth, Koonal Duggal, Anand Teltumbde, Tathagata Sengupta and others will be speaking.


Please join the Annihilation of Caste Mass Convention organised by students right into the heart of Kolkata for the first time!


Mind you,Bengal elected Babasaheb to the constituent Assembly and he could write Indian Constitution.


Please join Mission Ambedkar to annihilate the caste,the greatest enemy against humanity and nature,equality and justice,peace and democracy.


let us stand united ROCK Solid as we rae Indian citizens for equality and justice and freedom of Men,Women and trans gender!

Palash Biswas

JUN5
Sun 4 PM · Bharat Sabha Hall (near Central Metro Station), Kolkata
209 people interested · 137 people going
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Sitaram Yechury's letter to Chattisgarh CM

Sitaram Yechury's letter to Chattisgarh CM

Certain reports have appeared in a section of the media stating that the
professors from the Jawaharlal Nehru University and the Delhi University who
visited Bastar, Chattisgarh are being harassed with copies of the false
complaints registered against them being sent to the concerned universities.
In this context, CPI(M) General Secretary, Sitaram Yechury had addressed a
letter to Chief Minister Raman Singh with a copy marked to Union Home
Minister Rajnath Singh.



The full text of the letter is being released herewith.











(Hari Singh Kang)

For CPI(M) Central Committee Office



*******



Text of Letter

May 27, 2016





Shri Raman Singh

Chief Minister

Government of Chattisgarh

Raipur





Dear Sir,



I wish to draw your attention to a serious matter and seek your
intervention.



A delegation comprising of Sanjay Parate, Secretary, Chattisgarh State
Committee and member of the Central Committee of the CPI(M), Vineet Tiwari,
a CPI member belonging to Joshi-Adhikari Institute, New Delhi, Archana
Prasad, Prof. JNU and member of All India Democratic Women's Association and
Nandini Sundar, Prof. DU visited Bastar division from 12th 16th May 2016. I
need not to remind you that we as a registered and recognized national
political party have both constitutional and legal right to visit any part
of the country which includes the state of Chattisgarh to interact with the
people in order to understand their problems and also to organise them to
raise their demands. This delegation visited Nama Kamakoleng and some other
villages where people are living through the conflict between the state and
Maoists. People complained of harassment both by Police and Maoists and told
about their problems and miseries.



However, the local police later on produced a fake complaint in the name of
villagers claiming that the delegation instigated the villagers and asked
them to support the Maoists. So much so that the district collector of
Bastar Mr. Amit Kataria posted the so-called complaint of villagers on his
Facebook page without verification. What worries me more than this
irresponsible behaviour of Bastar DC is that the police organised rallies
with Samajik Ekta type vigilantes in front of Darbha Thana demanding that an
FIR be registered against the delegation members. The police have also been
cross questioning all those who interacted with the delegation members
including the driver of the hired vehicle in order to intimidate them. This
amounts to curbing and suppressing opposition political parties and their
legitimate political activities by falsely alleging and labeling them as
being supportive of the Maoists. Such falsehood cannot be accepted in a
democracy like ours.



I am aware of the fact that such intimidating tactics are also being used by
Bastar police and administration against journalists, researchers, lawyers
and others to prevent them from visiting Bastar and reporting about
violation of human and constitutional rights of the people.



The CPI(M) has been working and contesting elections in Chattisgarh for
quite a long time. This kind of harassment never occurred. Intimidating
political opponents will not help to solve the Maoist problem. What needs to
be done is the political isolation of Maoists for which the full play of
democracy is an essential pre-requisite.



Therefore all political parties must be allowed to conduct their legitimate
political activities in the Bastar region without any fear and journalists
must be allowed to report truthfully the ground realities.



Can I hope that you will instruct the Bastar police and administration not
to harass and falsely implicate activists of opposition parties, journalists
and others.







Yours sincerely

Sd/-

(Sitaram Yechury)

General Secretary



Copy to: Shri Rajnath Singh, Union Home Minister, New Delhi

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A Tale of Two Vehicles Sadhvi’s Motorcycle and Rubina’s Car Ram Puniyani

A Tale of Two Vehicles

Sadhvi's Motorcycle and Rubina's Car

 

Ram Puniyani

 

Can there be two type of Justice delivery system in the same country? This question came to one's mind with the U turn taken by NIA in the cases related to terror acts in which many Hindu names were involved. Now the NIA in a fresh charge sheet (May 13, 2016) has dropped the charges against Pragya Singh Thakur, has lightened the ones against Col Purohit and others. Along with this new line of NIA is that Hemant Karkare's investigation in these cases was flawed and that it was ATS which had got the RDX planted in Purohit's residence to implicate him in this case. The implication is that all this was being done at the behest of previous UPA Government.

 

A brief recap is in order. Maharashtra in particular and many other places in the country were witness to acts of terror. The first major attention to this phenomenon took place when two Bajrang Dal activists were killed while making the bombs in the house of one RSS worker Rajkondawar (May 2006). There was a saffron flag flying atop the house and a board of Bajrang Dal was put up in front of the house. At the site of bomb explosion fake moustaches, beard and pajama-Kurta were also found. This was followed by many other blasts, Parbhani, Jalna, Thane, and Panvel etc. In most of these case police investigated on the lines in which generally Muslims were blamed for such acts. After every act of blast few Muslims young men were arrested who were later; after long grueling court cases; were released as no evidence was found against them.

 

The Malegaon blast in which Sadhvi's role came to surface; took place in 2008. In the blasts those returning from Namaj (prayers) were killed and many injured. Following this the usual suspects, Muslims, were arrested. Then while investigating the cases the Maharashtra ATS Chief Hemant Karkare found that the motorcycle used for the blast belonged to Sadhvi Pragya Singh Thakur, ex- ABVP worker. The trail of investigation led to Swami Dayanad Pande, Retd. Major Upadhyay, Ramji Klasnagra, Swami Aseemanand amongst others. They all belonged to the Hindu right wing politics. There was lots of evidence in the material recovered. One of the helpful evidence came in the form of the legally valid confession of Swami Aseemanand. This confession was made in judicial custody in presence of a Magistrate.

 

In the confession Swami spilled the beans and said that after the Sankat Mochan blast of 2002, they had decided that bomb will be replied by bomb. He was then looking after the VHP work in Dangs. He gave the detailed narrative of the whole process in which all the people were investigated and became part of the charge sheet of NIA.

 

When Karakare was investigating the case and many of Hindu names started coming under the shadow Bal Thackeray wrote in Saamna that 'we spit on the face of Karakare'. Narendra Modi; then CM of Gujarat; called him Deshdrohi (Anti National). Advani also reprimanded Karkare. Feeling the heat of this pressure from Hindutva political outfits Karkare went to meet his professional peer Julio Rebeiro. Rebeiro. Rebeiro has a record of high level of professional integrity. Rebeiro appreciated his painstaking work. Karkare asked that what should be the stand of a person like him when facing such a heat from politicians. The senior officer told him to honestly do the work and ignore these insinuations.

 

Meanwhile the global terror phenomenon hit Mumbai. On 26/11 ten terrorists, armed to the teeth attacked Mumbai. On this occasion Karakre got killed. There is a strong controversy about this killing also. The then minority affairs Minister A. R. Antulay said that there is terrorism plus something else which is behind the killing of Karakare. Narendra Modi who had earlier called Karkare as Deshdrohi landed up in Mumbai and wanted to give a cheque of Rs. one Crore to widow of Karkare, she refused to accept the amount.

 

After Karkare's death the investigations continued on the lines laid down by him. The charge sheet was ready and all the involved were to be tried for acts of terror. Meanwhile Government changed at the center and the NIA adopted the line which has led to the present situation where the efforts to release Sadhvi are marching with intimidating speed. The change in the line got reflected in the statement of Public Prosecutor, Rohini Salian. She stated that she was told to go soft on these cases. As she refused to toe this, she was sacked.

 

One recalls that in Mumbai 92-93 violence over one thousand people died. This carnage was followed by the bomb blasts in which over two hundred people died. As far as the communal carnage is concerned not many got severe punishments, no death penalty- no life imprisonment. In the cases of bomb blasts many have been given death penalty and many more life imprisonment. One of the people undergoing life imprisonment is Rubina Memon. Her crime, she owned the car which was used to ferry the explosives. She never drove the car with explosives.

 

Sadhvi owned the motor cycle used for Malegaon blasts; she will be out from the prison soon. Rubina owned the car; she will be in prison all her life. In Mumbai carnage so many died. No severe punishment to anybody. So many severe punishments in bomb blast case!

 

So where does our democracy stand at the end of all this? It seems two type of justice delivery systems are out there in the open. While shrill debates on TV will defend Sadhvi and blame Karkare for faulty investigation, the people in Malegaon are protesting furiously and planning to go to the court against the change in the stance of NIA. Two political parties seem to be preparing to save the honor of Karakare and press for sincere examination of the evidence collected by him.

 

One hopes the guilty will be punished and innocents will be protected. But this seems a bit too much to expect in current scenario!     

 

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www.peoplesvoice.in


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Anand Teltumbde on Current Student Struggles The Malayalam weekly Madhyamam asked Anand Teltumbde, a writer, scholar of peoples’ movements, civil rights activist with CPDR Mumbai, inter alia, two questions relating to student movements. Here are his answers:


Anand Teltumbde on Current Student Struggles

The Malayalam weekly Madhyamam asked Anand Teltumbde, a writer, scholar of peoples' movements, civil rights activist with CPDR Mumbai, inter alia, two questions relating to student movements. Here are his answers:

Your article in the Economic & Political Weekly in October 2015 has succinctly captured the perils of raising memorials of Dr B.R. Ambedkar while forgetting the principle aim of his life – the annihilation of caste. The Rohith Vemula incident at the University of Hyderabad and subsequent incidents across the country have proven beyond doubt that the annihilation of caste, the kernel of Ambedkar's thought, remains an unfulfilled dream. What is your view on this?  

tagore_plate175Rabindranath Tagore / Rabindra Bhavan via OnBeing

Indeed. While Ambedkar had clearly seen annihilation of castes as the goal, his tactic relied on representation. I am deliberately calling it a tactic to dampen the intensity of contradiction between the two. Right from the beginning he saw, perhaps encouraged by his own example, that if a few Dalits are sent to legislature, they would take care of the interests of the Dalit masses. With this view, he struggled to get Dalits their political representation. It is a different matter that his victory was annulled by Gandhi's blackmailing strategy that compelled him to sign the Poona Pact. But that very Poona Pact opened up avenues for other reservations, viz. in educational institutions and public employment. Initially they remained preferment policies, as it was thought that there were not enough Dalits to institute reservation for them. But when Ambedkar became a member of the Viceroy's executive council, he wrote an innocuous note which was approved by the Viceroy, thereby instituting a quota system in 1943.

I may argue that there was no contradiction between the two as the castes were delinked from their Hindu parentage and had become an administrative category, the 'Scheduled Castes'. Unfortunately, there was no articulation to that effect. In post-colonial India, the native elites who took over the reins of power, with their Brahmanic cunning overlain on the learning got from the colonial masters, could easily ensure that castes and religion (the other factor) were consecrated in the constitution, as weapons to divide people. Reservations based on castes became the contradiction with the annihilation of castes, inasmuch as they developed vested interests in a section of upwardly looking Dalits, that role-modelled for the masses. The other supplementing factor was the First-Past-the-Post type of election system – arguably the most unsuitable system for a country like India which was hopelessly fragmented into castes, communities, languages, ethnicities, etc. – which was adopted as an instrument for democratic governance. The combination of these two became a deadly fortification against the annihilation of castes.

The HCU episode and the unfortunate suicide of Rohith highlight rather the attitude of the ruling classes, which are desperate as never before to woo Dalits to their side. While they are pursuing it, staking everything in promoting Ambedkar as the icon, they will not tolerate the emergence of radical Dalit opinion. Rohith symbolized the latter. They will label them extremist, anti-national, etc., which is enough even for the Dalits to discard them. The Dalit masses under the influence of their middle class subtly supported by the state have simplified Ambedkar. One of the notions of this simplified Ambedkar is that he was against any type of extremism or radicalism. With this notion, they would also easily disown the Dalit youth who raise radical voices. Rohith's death actually stirred up emotions, but still has not awakened Dalits to its radical content which points towards the annihilation of castes. Notwithstanding the massive support it received from all student organizations, which at one point completely isolated the ABVP, it is being steered along the lines of identity, sans radical possibilities.

The Rohith Vemula incident and the struggle at JNU have brought the possibility of alliance between Left and Ambedkarite movements, at least in the campuses. Do you think the newfound bonhomie between the two streams can be consolidated to make an effective challenge and counter to the communalism of BJP and Sangh Parivar?

I, for one, think that the youth in our campuses can be the only force who can clear the ideological mess in the politics of the oppressed masses. The signs emerging from our campuses are quite encouraging. The HCU episode was part of the BJP strategy to polarise students by raising the bogeys of anti-nationalism, extremism, etc. They chose HCU because it had become a centre for radical voices among Dalit students. If they succeeded there, it would be a cakewalk for their student wing to capture other campuses and, in particular, make inroads among Dalit students. But to their misfortune, the whole thing turned topsy-turvy with Rohith's unfortunate death. Taking caution, they chose JNU and engineered a similar thing but without the Dalit factor. There it was pure anti-nationalism, patriotism, etc. But it created Kanhaiya there. The best thing the JNU students did is to claim continuity with Rohith's struggle. It overwhelmed the ideological divisions (what I call mess) and oriented it towards the burning questions faced by the masses today. I will give full marks to Kanhaiya for doing so as I think that should be the approach of the peoples' struggle today. Neither Marx nor Ambedkar, least anyone else, can provide you complete wherewithal to fight the ruling classes, who are unprecedentedly powerful, with their states laced with learning and modern technology. The world that we live in would not be recognized by either Marx or Ambedkar and hence we will have to configure strategies for our struggles ourselves. Marx, Ambedkar, and many such greats may guide us, inspire us, but they cannot provide us readymade tools and tackle for our battles.

There may be hiccups in this process. For instance, when all student organizations had come together at HCU, I had suggested some leading elements of students there to give it an organizational shape, isolating the ABVP. It could have been a Front against Hindutva or Communalism or any such name. It could have easily been done when things were hot at HCU, to be replicated elsewhere eaily, but unfortunately it did not happen. I kept following it in my own way but to no avail. Instead, the Joint Action Committees (JACs) formed for 'Justice to Rohith' began subtly deflecting along the old identity lines providing impetus to the reactionary elements who would identify Kanhaiya as Bhumihar. Nothing could be more unfortunate in the current context. But still I am confident that the students will overcome these hiccups. There will be many more hurdles in the way. For instance, the ruling classes have awarded harsh punishments to JNU students, against which they are currently on hunger strike. They will realize what best to do tomorrow. I am confident they will defeat the evil designs of BJP/ABVP combine. With regard to striking unity between Ambedkar and Marx, the JNU students are on absolutely the right path to do so. The approach they have adopted will render irrelevant the casteist arguments of Mayawati and her chelas. I am quite hopeful that these boys and girls will do what has not been done so far. For if they fail there, the hope itself would die for India!

First published in Hashiya; reposted here with minor changes.

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