Sunday, October 27, 2013

2014 election campaign marred by bloodshed from bomb blast in Patna, Is it terror attack or political conspiracy?

Moments before BJP's prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi's reached Gandhi Maidan, Patna  to address Hunkar rally, five people were killed and 66 injured in six serial bomb blasts near the venue of the rally in on October 27, 2013. Modi addressed the rally amid smoke of the blast.

The blast were carried out using country made bombs of low intensity on the outer periphery of the Gandhi Maidan. One bomb went off before the Eliphistine cinema hall on the western side of the rally venue. A crude bomb exploded at Patna railway station as well..

Central Government has sent teams of National Investigation Agency (NIA) and National Security Guard (NSG) to Patna.

Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar cancelled his scheduled tour to Munger where he was to address an international yoga conference and convened a meeting with Chief Secretary A.K. Sinha, Director General of Police Abhyanand and Principal Secretary Home Amir Subhani on the law and order situation in the wake of the serial blasts. Bihar Chief Minister was about to leave his 1, Anne Marg residence to for the airport to fly to Munger and from there to Rajgir to attend a two-day JD(U) convention in Nalanda district.

The bombs that have been used appear to be similar to that of the ones used in Gaya terror attack. It is not clear as yet whether it is an act of terror attack or political conspiracy.


Wednesday, October 23, 2013

Statement on 249th Anniversary of English East India Company’s Conquest in Battle of Buxar



October 23, 2013, on this Memorial Day, we call on citizens to beware of the ulterior motives of Companies Act, 2013, biometric identification, role of political parties that are funded by the business enterprises and the role of donor-driven NGOs; 

Recollecting that on October 23, 249 years ago, the war between the English East India Company and the combined forces Indian rulers was fought in Buxar, some 130 kilometers from Patna;
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Disagreeing with the separation between rule by English East India Company and rule by British Government in India because the Company worked at the behest of the British Government;

Recalling that English East India Company first chartered by Queen Elizabeth I, the English Emperor in 1600;

Remembering that the seeds of war of Buxar were sown in war of Plassey in 1757;

Recalling how by 1759, Mir Jafar, the notorious traitor who had helped the company and betrayed Nawab Siraj – ud-daula in the battle field felt that his position as a subordinate to the company could not be tolerated. When he raised his against the company, he was deposed and Mir Qasim was installed as the Nawab of Bengal in 1760. Mir Kasim handed over the districts of Chittagong, Midnapore and Burdwan to the company. But quite soon Mir Qasim began to feel breathless under company’s domination and three unhappy rulers Shula-ud-daula, Shah Alam and Mir Kasim, united together to defeat the British East India Company. They declared war against the company in 1764;

Recalling that Mir Kasim made an attempt to recover Bengal from the hands of British, in 1764, he enlisted the help of Mughal Emperor Shah Alam II and Nawab Shuja Ud Daulah of Oudh. But their troops were defeated in the Battle of Buxar by the English East India Company troops led by Major Hector Munro;
Recollecting that the armies of Mir Kasim and his allies Emperor Shah Alam II and Shuja-ud-daula, Nawab of Avadh, out-matched the company in number, in this combat, Mir Kasim had a force of 40,000 and Major Hector Munro had a army of about 18,000 men;

Remembering that the company troops engaged in the fighting numbered 7,072 comprising of 857 British, 5,297 sepoys of Indian origin and 918 Indian cavalry;

Taking cognizance of the 2,000 dead Indians from among the allied force of Mir Kasim, the company’s losses were to the tune of 1,847 killed. Besides those there many more who were wounded;

Recollecting the tactical mistakes committed in the battle early on, company forces had to retreat across the river but they were allowed to get away twice but they were allowed to get away. But the company forces regrouped and through a naval force attacked through the river route.  The sheer power of gunfire of company forces ensured that attacking cavalry of Indian allied forces scattered and got defeated;

Recalling how the combined army of Indian allied forces met the company forces under the command of Major Munro at Buxar in October 1764 and how the former suffered a crushing defeat.

Recapitulating how Nawabs of Bengal, Awadh and Mughal emperor Shah Alam II, signed the Treaty of Allahabad that secured Diwani Rights for the company to collect and manage the revenues of almost 100,000,000 acres (400,000 km2) of real estate which form parts of the modern states of West Bengal, Odisha, Bihar, Jharkhand, and Uttar Pradesh, as well as areas in the neighbouring Bangladesh;

Remembering that the former were forced to pay a war indemnity of five million rupees, Shah Alam II had to become a pensioner with a monthly stipend of 450,000 rupees towards upkeep of horses, sepoys, peons and household expenses. The Treaty of Allahabad laid a strong foundation for the establishment of the rule of the East India Company in one-eighth of India;

Recalling that after the battle of Buxer, Hector Munro decided to assist the Marathas who hated Mughal Empire and its Nawabs and the Sultanate of Mysore;

Underlining the significance of battle of Buxar, it should be seen in conjunction with the third battle of Panipat in January 1761 in terms of its impact on consolidating British presence in north-east India. Due to Marathas' defeat at the third battle of Panipat, and their subsequent ten-year hiatus from North Indian affairs, the company was able to establish a foothold in North Indian affairs. Buxar was an important step in that direction;

Recalling the imperial grant of the diwani or revenue authority in Bengal and Bihar to the company which was hitherto enjoyed by the nawab of Bengal;

Recapitulating how this meant emergence of a double government, the nawab retaining judicial and police functions but the company exercising the revenue power. The company acclimatized itself by becoming the Mughal revenue agent for Bengal and Bihar. There was as yet no thought of direct administration, and the revenue was collected by a company-appointed deputy-nawab, Muhammad Reza Khan.

Remembering how this arrangement made the company the virtual ruler of Bengal, since it already possessed decisive military power. All that was left to the Nawab was the control of the judicial administration. But he was later forced to hand this over to the Company in 1793. Thus the company's control was virtually complete.

Recalling how in spite of all this the company was on the verge of bankruptcy, which made a case for fresh effort at reform. On the one hand Warren Hastings was appointed with a mandate for reform; on the other an appeal was made to the British state for a loan. The result was the beginnings of state control of the company and the thirteen-year governorship of Warren Hastings.

Noting that when the Marathas finally did send a large force back into North India in 1771 and persuaded Shah Alam II to leave company’s protection and enter Maratha protection, after establishment of Maratha regency over Delhi, which they essentially held till their defeat in the second Anglo-Maratha War of 1803.
Recalling that around 1715, India was responsible for producing over 25 per cent of the world gross domestic product (GDP) and world’s total outputs. Following the defeats at Battle of Plassey and Battle of Buxer, by 1800, India’s world share had already eroded to less than a fifth, by 1860 to less than a tenth, and by 1880 to less than 3 per cent. India’s share in world manufacturing output declined precipitously in the half century 1750-1800, before company-led industrialization took hold in Britain. Currently, India's share in the world’s GDP to around five per cent now but this is at the cost of depleting Natural Capital;

Drawing the attention of legislators and fellow citizens the fact that the world order and world economy is being shaped by the big capital in possession of financial and non-financial transnational corporations, capital that uses the sovereign state only for protection, i.e., a place for securing legality of work, capital for which intergovernmental organizations (UN, IMF, WB, WTO) serve only as levers of pressure;

Informing the legislators and fellow citizens that as per the vailable aggregate data, about 78,000 companies were identified in 2006, with available assets of over 51 trillion US dollars, total sales of 25 trillion dollars and 73 million employees – compared to the aggregate GDP of all the world’s countries for that year o 48.504 trillion dollars;

Taking cognizance of a published data on a group of 2000 global companies, just the top ten non-financial transnational corporations ranked by total sales realized 2.533 trillion in sales in 2007, which is more than the aggregate GDP of 161 countries according to IMF data for 2008;.

Alarmed at the diminishing strength of Government of India in the face of the assets of the 30 largest financial transnational corporations (from the same group of 2000 global companies from 2008) amount to 48.883 trillion dollars, or more than the world’s 2007 GDP;

With the enactment of Companies Act, 2013 and callousness towards the Contesting Election on Government Expenses Bill, 2012 which is pending in the Rajya Sabha yet another opportunity has been lost to deal with the menace of black money;

Revealing their doublespeak, insincerity and inconsistency of the Indian National Congress led UPA government and the Bhartiya Janta Party led NDA, Section 182 (1) of the Act reads: "Notwithstanding anything contained in any  other provision of this Act, a company, other than a Government company and a company which has been in existence for less than three financial years, may contribute any amount directly or indirectly to any political party: Provided that the amount referred to in sub-section (1) or, as the case may be, the aggregate of the amount which may be so contributed by the company in any financial year shall not exceed seven and a half per cent of its average net profits during the three immediately preceding financial years". The Companies Act, 2013 has failed to ban corporate funding for electoral campaigns but this has not happened. This is contrary to several reports of the Parliamentary and government's committees which recommended State funding of elections to deal with black money;

Underlining  that the root of rampant corporate crimes committed with impunity, environmental destruction, poisoning of food chain and human rights violations by security forces has been traced to corporate funding of political parties, in the aftermath of industrial disasters, frauds and war crimes by companies world over, this Act merits rigorous scrutiny by all sections of legislatures and society;

In such a backdrop, on 23rd October, it may recalled that Government of India has been signing treaties with various countries and intergovernmental organizations without explicit approval or sanction of central and state legislatures;

Recalling several defections from our intelligence agencies, efforts must be made to make these agencies accountable to our democratic legislature, which is not the case at present as has been revealed starkly by Intelligence Services (Powers and Regulation) Bill, 2011;

Submitting that 23rd October is an apt day to ponder over the Statement of Concern issued in the matter of world's biggest data management project, biometric Unique Identification (UID) /Aadhaar Number scheme and related proposals like National Intelligence Grid by 17 eminent citizens to prevent ‘intrusive bullying’ by Government of India because the government intended to be the `servant’ of the citizens, and not their `master’. The statement underlines that national IDs have been abandoned in the US, Australia, France and by the British government. Based on research of UID Number related documents and advice from jurists, legal luminaries, former intelligence officials and academicians, we are convinced that UID number and related proposals pose a threat to both civil liberties as well as our natural resources;

Taking note of diminishing influence of democratic legislatures because of the financial might of the transnational business enterprises who are operate as companies and don myriad corporate veils in the face of feeble capacity of our legislatures to pierce through it and make them subservient to legislative will;

We wish to underline the need to resolve to identify the true defenders of sovereignty, the traitors and remind ourselves of the lessons 23rd October has for the Indians to ensure that history of our defeat is not repeated ever again.
For Details: Gopal Krishna, Citizens Forum for Civil Liberties (CFCL), Mb: 09818089660, 08227816731, E-mail: gopalkrishna1715@gmail.com

Monday, October 21, 2013

Chargesheet filed against principal in Bihar insecticide tragedy case

Although media continues to report about Bihar's mid day meal tragedy. The fact is that it was an insecticide tragedy. 

A chargesheet was filed October 21 against a Bihar school principal and her husband for the deaths of 23 children who ate contaminated mid day meal.

The chargesheet was filed in the court of chief judicial magistrate in Saran district. A 346 page chargesheet was filed against school principal Meena Devi and her husband Arjun Rai".
Both Meena Devi and Rai are in jail.  

Raj Kaushal, the investigating officer of the case said, it was stated in the chargesheet that Rai purchased pesticide from a sugar factory and he kept the pesticide in the room where items for cooking mid day meal were stored. The food was cooked with pesticide. That chargesheet was filed under various sections including 302 (murder) and 307 (attempt to murder). 

He said that adequate evidences were collected against both accused in the case during investigation.
Meena Devi was the principal of the government primary school at Gandaman village in Saran when the children died after eating contaminated food July 16. She was arrested a week after the deaths.

A first information report was registered against her on charges of murder and criminal conspiracy.

Her husband Rai, accused of buying the pesticide that got mixed with the food, was on the run after the mid day meal tragedy and surrendered in court two months ago.

A forensic lab report confirmed traces of Monocrotophos, a toxic insecticide were found in the cooking oil used for making food at the school. The need to ban this insecticide remains an unmet need. A committee of Union Ministry of Agriculture is examining the possibility of banning it.  

 

Saturday, October 19, 2013

Biometric e-Shakti initiative of Bihar’s Rural Development Department is illegal & illegitimate

Biometric identification of Biharis like prisoners should be stopped 

Biometric data collection faces legal challenge in Supreme Court on October 22, 2013 

Lawyers, students, citizens should boycott biometric identification

October 19, 2013: The 48 page Report of Parliamentary Standing Committee (PSC) on Finance submitted to both the Houses of Parliament in December 2011 reveals that biometric e-Shakti initiative of Bihar’s Rural Development Department is illegal & illegitimate. It is turning Biharis into guinea pigs for biometric technology companies. In the name of ‘Financial Inclusion’, what is unfolding is surveillance of transactions, mobility and every aspect of life. The biometric data collection faces legal challenge in Supreme Court on October 22, 2013 in 12 digit biometric Aadhaar number case. 

The e-Shakti project was launched under National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme Bihar on February 24, 2009 in Paliganj Block of Patna. More than 5 years and 7 months have passed since the project was launched. It is noteworthy that e-Shakti project was launched within a month of the creation of Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) which was brought into its controversial existence on January 28, 2009 by a notification of the Planning Commission. While presenting the Union Budget 2009-10, the then Finance Minister, Pranab Mukherjee had announced the setting up of UIDAI to “establish an online data base with identity and biometric details of Indian residence and provide enrolment and verification services across the country” in paragraph no. 64 of his speech. It is this notification meant for biometric data collection which faces robust legal challenge in the Supreme Court in the Justice Puttaswamy Vs Union of India case. The case will be heard On October 22, 2013.   

Bihar Government must be persuaded to abandon biometric data collection the way it has been done in UK, USA, France, China and Australia before it is compelled by the Court to do so. There is a compelling logic to reject those parties which implicitly or explicitly support tracking, profiling, databasing and mortgaging of citizens’ rights and their sovereignty under the dictates of their donors and non-state actors.     

Under the e-Shakti project, a Biometric Smart Card which contains particulars of the individuals as textual and biometric data (photograph and fingerprints) in electronic form which is meant to establish identity of the individual. The project has been started the in Patna districts of Bihar as pilot project and proposes to cover approximately 331 Gram Panchayats of 23 blocks. It has disclosed “After successful completion of the pilot phase, the project would cover entire state of Bihar in phased manner.”

The attached report of the Parliamentary Standing Committee reads (in the section on Observations/Recommendations): “The collection of biometric information and its linkage with personal information without amendment to the Citizenship Act 1955 as well as the Citizenship (Registration of Citizens and Issue of National Identity Cards) Rules 2003, appears to be beyond the scope of subordinate legislation, which needs to be examined in detail by Parliament.”

This initiative is going to do almost exactly the same thing which the predecessors of Adolf Hitler did, else how is it that Germany always had the lists of Jewish names even prior to the arrival of the Nazis? The Nazis got these lists with the help of IBM which was in the 'census' business that included racial census that entailed not only count the Jews but also identifying them. At the US Holocaust Museum in Washington, DC, there is an exhibit of an IBM Hollerith D-11 card sorting machine that was responsible for organising the census of 1933 that first identified the Jews. IBM has not disputed its involvement in it.
Another promoter of biometric identification, Nandan Nilekani in his book Imagining India describes the ‘Dividends of an autocracy versus a Democracy’ and contends that “ In terms of implementing policies that are good for you, whether you like it or not, autocratic regimes are better than democracies” at page no. 50. Why is Bihar being taken in that non-democratcic route through such identification.

Nilekani has admitted that “biometrics as a tool of surveillance”. But the gullible seem to believe even what is unbelievable-it is for delivery of identity proof and social entitlements. Although Indians are accustomed to advertising and falsehoods purveyed by them but when it comes to advertising by biometric technology companies uninformed citizens are willing to trust even the most untrustworthy of claims.

In 1906, Mahatma Gandhi had encountered the proposal of biometric passes when a Asiatic Law Amendment Ordinance of the Transvaal Government in South Africa in August 22 issue of the Government Gazette that required all Indians and Chinese in the Transvaal region of South Africa, eight years and older, to report to the Registrar of Asiatics and obtain, upon the submission of a complete set of fingerprints, a certificate which would then have to be produced upon demand. Fingerprints were then demanded only from criminals, and the subjection of women to such a requirement had no other objective but the humiliation of Indians.

Gandhi understood well that the Ordinance effectively criminalized the entire community and must be challenged. At a meeting held in Johannesburg, 3000 Indians took an oath not to submit to a degrading and discriminatory piece of legislation. This gave birth to Satyagraha. Gandhi later wrote that the ordinance illustrated hatred towards Indians which, if passed, “would spell absolute ruin for the Indians in South Africa.” 

How is Biometric Smart Card different from the ‘register of Asiatics’ opposed by Mahatma Gandhi? If Biharis forget the lesson of this resistance movement it would “spell absolute ruin for the Indians” of the present and future generations.

A historic eight-year-long resistance campaign against biometric identification happened from August 1906 to January 1914 in the British colony of Natal, and Boer Republic of Transvaal, South Africa. In August 1906, the Asiatic Law Amendment Ordinance was signed into law in the Transvaal. It was a humiliating and discriminating law forcing Indians in the Transvaal to register with the ‘registrar of Asiatics,’ submit to physical examinations, provide fingerprints, and carry a registration certificate at all times. Otherwise, Indians and other ‘Asiatics,’ as they were called, could be fined, imprisoned, or deported. A delegation of Indians sailed to London to meet with British Secretary of State Lord Elgin. In 1912, Gopal Krishna Gokhale visited South Africa and expressed his support for the struggle against biometric idnetification. In early 1914, an agreement was reached with the protestors and the Black Act seeking biometric identification was abolished. 

Historians rightly say that all history is contemporary history. It has been noted that “there is no mention of capturing biometrics in the Citizenship Act or Citizenship Rules 2009. In the absence of any provision in the Citizenship Act, 1955, or rules for capturing biometrics, it is difficult to appreciate how the capture of biometrics is a statutory requirement. Photography and biometrics is only mentioned in the Manual of Instructions for filling up the NPR household schedule and even in that there is no mention of capturing the Iris”.

This has to be seen in the national context as to whether a Prime Minister’s Office which has been promoting biometric data collection purportedly to make delivery of social welfare programs leak proof itself leak proof. Given a choice between leakage or theft of citizens database of sensitive personal information and leakage of public distribution system and delivery social welfare services what would be be chosen and which can be plugged more easily. Recently, database of Greece has been stolen as per Reuters and the database of Pakistan and Egypt has been handed over to US as per the diplomatic cables leaked by Wikileaks.

Under the influence of biometric technology companies, Bihar Rural Development Department is creating a situation where if you do not have the Biometric Smart Card you may not get the right to have rights.

The project in questions is being implemented by a consortium consisting of Smaarftech Technologies Pvt Ltd. Partners in the e-Shakti project include Bihar’s Rural Development Department is the principal force behind the e-Shakti project, Bihar State Electronics Development Corporation Ltd (BELTRON), a Govt. of Bihar undertaking which is engaged in business related to Electronics and Computer technologies and services, Infrastructure Leasing & Financial Services Limited (IL&FS), a infrastructure development and finance company. Beltron and IL&FS have together formed a joint venture company, Bihar e-Governance Services and Technology (BeST), which is monitoring the e- Shakti project which is being implemented by the service provider consortium. Smaarftech Technologies Private Limited, an SPV of Glodyne Technoserve Limited implementing, managing & maintaining the NREGS-Bihar (e-Shakti Project) over a period of five years for Department of Rural Development, Bihar. Smaarftech Technologies Private limited is a subsidiary of Glodyne Technoserve Limited. Glodyne Technoserve Limited is a leading IT Services company, having a pan India and US presence which has been partnering with various e-governance initiatives by providing its competencies in the IT Project Management Space.

All claims of benefits from biometric identification are highly suspect. How can the recommendations of the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Finance that questioned Government’s right to collect biometric data be ignored in Bihar. The collection of sensitive biometric information collector is an assault on democratic rights of citizens. It is high time Bihar Government desisted from doing so the way Barack Obama and 25 States of USA opposed the REAL ID Act, 2005 and UK, Australia, China, France and European Court of Human Rights rejected indiscriminate collection of biometric data.

It is the political duty of opposition parties in Bihar to ensure that the enactment of Privacy Bill, 2011 precedes initiatives Biometric Smart Card else the very purpose of the proposed legislation for protection of privacy is defeated. Before the creation of Data Protection Authority of India (DPAI) as envisaged under Section 49 of the Privacy Bill and Central Electronic Services Delivery Commission (CESDC) under Section 8 of the Electronic Delivery of Services Bill, 2011 with proven impeccable judicial competence, the implementation of all biometric data collection related programs must be stopped both in private as well as in the government.

Citizens Forum for Civil Liberties (CFCL) demands a white paper on the legality of biometric data collection and work undertaken under the project.  CFCL is involved in the research and advocacy against surveillance technologies since 2010. It has appeared before the Parliamentary Committee that questioned the biometric identification of Indians without any legal mandate.

In the face of this assault on citizens’ rights and the emergence of a regime that is making legislatures subservient to database and data mining companies, the urgent intervention of the progressive political parties and informed citizens should not be postponed anymore.

For Details: Gopal Krishna, Citizens Forum for Civil Liberties (CFCL), Mb: 09818089660, 08227816731, E-mail: gopalkrishna1715@gmail.com

Monday, October 7, 2013

Ministry of Petroleum, Home Ministry & 3 State Govts disobeying Supreme Court's order on 12 digit biometric UID/aadhaar number

illegal biometric identification must be stopped; UK, USA, Australia, France, China have done so

Supreme Court to hear controversial UID case on October 8


October 8, 2013: In compliance with the order of Supreme Court bench comprising of Justice B S Chauhan and Justice S.A. Bobde dated September 23, 2013 on biometric unique identity (UID)/aadhaar number for Centralized Identity Data Registry (CIDR) capturing biometric details of every resident such as iris scans and 10 fingerprints. By now central ministries should have de-linked all of its services from 12 digit biometric UID number and UID number generating Home Ministry’s National Population Register (NPR) and State Governments should have withdrawn from the MoU they signed with Planning Commission’s Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI).

But Ministry of Petroleum, Home Ministry, Jharkhand, Maharashtra and Delhi Govts decided not to do so. The Court is likely to take them to task on October 8 when the matter is scheduled to be heard. The Court is seized with several petitions against UIDAI filed from Karnataka, Maharashtra, Chennai, Delhi, Rajasthan and other states which have been bunched together. There is a case against it in Karnataka High Court as well. 

Both the CIDR of biometric UID number and directly linked NPR is meant for usual residents (which is a universal set whose subset includes citizens) leads to denial of the constitutional rights to citizens of the present and future generations. Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas (MoP&NG) has filed the attached ‘Application for clarification/modification of order dated 23.09.2013” and Jharkhand Govt is also expected to do so. Notably, the application refers to UID/aadhaar number as aadhaar card illustrating how it does not want full facts to be examined by the Court.

It may be noted that the misplaced impression that Supreme Court’s order on biometric UID does not impact biometric National Population Register (NPR) as it has no link with entitlements is not true because NPR also generates UID number in 14 States and two Union Territories, which are called ‘NPR States’. This means that people in these States and Union Territories get UID numbers through the NPR. The usual residents of 14 other States, four Union Territories and the National Capital Territory of Delhi, that are under the jurisdiction of ‘UIDAI’, get UID number through the UIDAI. Since the UID number is generated under both the schemes, and in any case both the databases are going to be merged as per the terms of reference of the UIDAI, the Court ruling is directly applicable to it.

But in violation of Supreme Court's order, Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas through notifications published in the Gazette of India vide GSR 718 (E) and GSR 791 (E) has made several amendments to the Liquefied Petroleum Gas (Regulation of Supply and Distribution) Order 2000 (no.10) claiming powers conferred under Section 3 of the attached Essential Commodities Act 1955 has made UID mandatory. The Section 3 of ESA 1955 gives powers to control production, supply, distribution, etc of essential commodities. It is inexplicable as to how this provides a legal mandate to link the UID number with its services. This implies denial of subsidy to those who do not have the impugned UID number, which is based on some biometric identification of ‘usual residents’, unmindful of the fact that the subsidy in question is meant for citizens. This is a case of manifest inconsistency, because it does not differentiate between a citizen and a non-citizen.

Despite UID number being legally questionable Planning Commission’s deputy chairman Montek Singh Ahluwalia is continuing enrolment for biometric UID number based on an Enrolment Form which promises that it is ‘free and voluntary’ and indulging in a sleight of hand by stating that by enrolling you give consent for it to be made mandatory through 'welfare agencies'. He is factually wrong in stating that 'There is nothing wrong with the UID arrangement" as the key issue is whether it should be mandatory. The fact is UID number is constitutionally, legally, legislatively, politically, historically, democratically and ethically wrong and the key issue is not whether it should be mandatory. The key issue is why it should not be abandoned the way it has been abandoned in USA, UK, Australia, France and China. Even European Court of Human Rights has ruled that indiscriminate collection of biometric data is legally wrong. National Human Right Commission has also expressed its written reservations against it.  It has huge potential to be used by Nazi party like formations, for genocide, riots, and massacres and for assault on minorities of all ilk besides political opponents. It is an attempt take over property rights over personal sensitive information from citizens for good. It constitutes colossal and unprecedented assault on privacy and democratic rights.  Ahluwalia and his subordinate officials like Nandan Nilekani will have us believe that there is nothing wrong with Orwellian architecture masquerading as solutions architecture and public information infrastructure.   

The claims of the Solicitor General and Ministry of Petroleum are questionable. An undated letter (circular) of the Ministry reads, "...we will restrict LPG distribution only to those who have registered Aadhaar numbers with the distributor." This is in direct contradiction to the submission made by Solicitor General in the Supreme Court, on the basis of which a special hearing has been arranged on October 8. It is clear that it has nothing to do with the subsidy, this is about the supply of LPG itself, with or without subsidy. Meanwhile, it has come to light that individual companies have already put in place a process for continuing LPG supplies with or without aadhaar/UID number and with or without Direct Benefits Transfer (DBT), hence there can be no disruption or hardship caused by removing UID from the DBT process as envisaged by the Solicitor General.   

In a bizarre move, three oil PSUs have moved the Supreme Court seeking modification of its earlier order, but before a different bench of Chief Justice P Sathasivam and Justice Ranjan Gogoi for an urgent hearing, according to a report of the Press Trust of India dated October 6, 2013.

It may be recollected that Punjab and Haryana High Court bench headed by Chief Justice A K Sikri passed an order March 2, 2013 after hearing a matter challenging a circular making UID number mandatory. The moment Court raised questions of laws, the circular was withdrawn by the central government. The decision underlined that UIDAI is legally assailable and indefensible. Supreme Court order vindicates the Punjab and Haryana High Court order, report of the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Finance and the Statement of Concern dated September 28, 2010 issued by 17 eminent citizens including Justice VR Krishna Iyer, Prof Romila Thapar, SR Sankaran, Justice AP Shah, KG Kannabiran, Bezwada Wilson, Aruna Roy and Prof Upendra Baxi seeking halting of the project. The Parliamentary Standing Committee on Subordinate Legislation is also seized with the compliant dated 18.3.2013 on how Subordinate Legislation for Biometric Identity is illegal & illegitimate and constitutional, legal, historical & technological reasons against UID number scheme.   

For Details:
Gopal Krishna, Citizens Forum for Civil Liberties, Mb: 09818089660 (Delhi), 08227816731 (Patna), E-mail:gopalkrishna1715@gmail.com
Vinay Baindur, Bangalore, E-mail: yanivbin@gmail.com
Vickram Crishna, Mumbai E-mail: vvcrishna@radiophony.com
Qaneez Sukhrani, Pune, Mb: 0982205056782, E-mail:qaneez.sukhrani@gmail.com




Sunday, October 6, 2013

मोदी की दिल्‍ली रैली

अभिषेक श्रीवास्तव
हाल ही में एक बुजुर्ग पत्रकार मित्र ने मशहूर शायर मीर की लखनऊ यात्रा पर एक किस्‍सा सुनाया था। हुआ यों कि मीर चारबाग स्‍टेशन पर उतरे, तो उन्‍हें पान की तलब हुई। वे एक ठीहे पर गये। बोले “जरा एक पान लगाइएगा।” पनवाड़ी ने उन्‍हें ऊपर से नीचे तक गौर से देखा, फिर बोला, “हमारे यहां तो जूते लगाये जाते हैं हुजूर।” दरअसल, यह बोलचाल की भाषा का फर्क था। लखनऊ में पान बनाया जाता है। लगाने और बनाने के इस फर्क को समझे बगैर दिल्‍ली से आया मीर जैसा अदीब भी गच्‍चा खा जाता है। गालिब, जो इस फर्क को बखूबी समझते थे, बावजूद खुद दिल्‍ली में ही अपनी आबरू का सबब पूछते रहे। दिल्‍ली और दिल्‍ली के बाहर के पानी का यही फर्क है, जिसे समझे बगैर गयासुद्दीन तुगलक से दिल्‍ली हमेशा के लिए दूर हो गयी। गर्ज ये, कि इतिहास के चलन को जाने-समझे बगैर दिल्‍ली में कदम रखना या दिल्‍ली से बाहर जाना, दोनों ही खतरनाक हो सकता है। क्‍या नरेंद्रभाई दामोदरदास मोदी को यह बात कोई जाकर समझा सकता है? चौंकिए मत, समझाता हूं…
अगर आपने राजनीतिक जनसभाएं देखी हैं, तो जरा आज की संज्ञाओं का भारीपन तौलिए और मीडिया के जिमिजिप कैमरों के दिखाये टीवी दृश्‍यों से मुक्‍त होकर जरा ठहर कर सोचिए : जगह दिल्‍ली, मौका राजधानी में विपक्षी पार्टी भाजपा की पहली चुनावी जनसभा और वक्‍ता इस देश के अगले प्रधानमंत्री का इकलौता घोषित प्रत्‍याशी नरेंद्र मोदी। सब कुछ बड़ा-बड़ा। कटआउट तक सौ फुट ऊंचा। दावा भी पांच लाख लोगों के आने का। छोटे-छोटे शहरों में रैली होती है, तो रात से ही कार्यकर्ता जमे रहते हैं और घोषित समय पर तो पहुंचने की सोचना ही मूर्खता होती है। मुख्‍य सड़कें जाम हो जाती हैं, प्रवेश द्वार पर धक्‍का-मुक्‍की तो आम बात होती है। दिल्‍ली में आज ऐसा कुछ नहीं हुआ। न कोई सड़क जाम, न ही कोई झड़प, न अव्‍यवस्‍था। क्‍या इसका श्रेय जापानी पार्क में मौजूद करीब तीन हजार दिल्‍ली पुलिसबल, हजार एसआईएस निजी सिक्‍योरिटी और हजार के आसपास आरएएफ के बलों को दिया जाए, जिन्‍होंने कथित तौर पर पांच लाख सुनने आने वालों को अनुशासित रखा? दो शून्‍य का फर्क बहुत होता है। अगर हम भाजपा कार्यकर्ताओं, स्‍वयंसेवकों, मीडिया को अलग रख दें तो भी सौ श्रोताओं पर एक सुरक्षाबल का हिसाब पड़ता है। जाहिर है, पांच लाख की दाल में कुछ काला जरूर है।
फोटो: अभिषेक श्रीवास्तव
फोटो: अभिषेक श्रीवास्तव
आयोजन स्‍थल पर जो कोई भी सवेरे से मौजूद रहा होगा, वह इस काले को नंगी आंखों से देख सकता था। मोदी की जनसभा का घोषित समय दस बजे सवेरे था, जबकि वक्‍ता की लोकप्रियता और रैली में अपेक्षित भीड़ को देखते हुए मैं सवेरे सवा सात बजे जापानी पार्क पहुंच चुका था। उस वक्‍त ईएसआई अस्‍पताल के बगल वाले रोहिणी थाने के बाहर पुलिसवालों की हाजिरी लग रही थी। सभी प्रवेश द्वार बंद थे। न नेता थे, न कार्यकर्ता और न ही कोई जनता। रोहिणी पश्चिम मेट्रो स्‍टेशन वाली सड़क से पहले तक अंदाजा ही नहीं लगता था कि कुछ होने वाला है। अचानक मेट्रो स्‍टेशन वाली सड़क पर बैनर-पोस्‍टर एक लाइन से लगे दिखे, जिससे रात भर की तैयारी का अंदाजा हुआ। बहरहाल, आठ बजे के आसपास निजी सुरक्षा एजेंसी एसआईएस के करीब हजार जवान पहुंचे और उनकी हाजिरी हुई। नौ बजे तक ट्रैक सूट पहने कुछ कार्यकर्ता आने शुरू हुए। गेट नंबर 11, जहां से मीडिया को प्रवेश करना था, वहां नौ बजे तक काफी पत्रकार पहुंच चुके थे। गेट नंबर 1 से 4 तक अभी बंद ही थे। सबसे ज्‍यादा चहल-पहल मीडिया वाले प्रवेश द्वार पर ही थी। दिलचस्‍प यह था कि तीन स्‍तरों के सुरक्षा घेरे का प्रत्‍यक्ष दायित्‍व तो दिल्‍ली पुलिस के पास था, लेकिन कोई मामला फंसने पर उसे भाजपा के कार्यकर्ता को भेज दिया जा रहा था। तीसरे स्‍तर के सुरक्षा द्वार पर भी भाजपा की कार्यकर्त्री और एक स्‍थानीय नेतानुमा शख्‍स दिल्‍ली पुलिस को निर्देशित कर रहे थे।
यह अजीब था, लेकिन दिलचस्‍प। साढ़े नौ बजे पंडाल में बज रहे फिल्‍मी गीत “आरंभ है प्रचंड” (गुलाल) और “अब तो हमरी बारी रे” (चक्रव्‍यूह) अनुराग कश्‍यप व प्रकाश झा ब्रांड बॉलीवुड को उसका अक्‍स दिखा रहे थे। इसके बाद “महंगाई डायन” (पीपली लाइव) की बारी आयी और भाजपा के सांस्‍कृतिक पिंजड़े में आमिर खान की आत्‍मा तड़पने लगी। जनता हालांकि यह सब सुनने के लिए नदारद थी। सिर्फ मीडिया के जिमीजिप कैमरे हवा में टंगे घूम रहे थे। अचानक मिठाई और नाश्‍ते के डिब्‍बे बंटने शुरू हुए। कुछ कार्यकर्ता मीडिया वालों का नाम-पता जाने किस काम से नोट कर रहे थे। फिर पौने दस बजे के करीब अचानक एक परिचित चेहरा दर्शक दीर्घा में दिखाई दिया। यह अधिवक्‍ता प्रशांत भूषण को चैंबर में घुसकर पीटने वाली भगत सिंह क्रांति सेना का सरदार नेता था। उसकी पूरी टीम ने कुछ ही देर में अपना प्रचार कार्य शुरू कर दिया। “नमो नम:” लिखी हुई लाल रंग की टोपियां और टीशर्ट बांटे जाने लगे। कुछ ताऊनुमा बूढ़े लोगों को केसरिया पगड़ी बांधी जा रही थी। कुछ लड़के भाजपा का मफलर बांट रहे थे। जनसभा के घोषित समय दस बजे के आसपास पंडाल में भाजपा कार्यकर्ताओं, स्‍वयंसेवकों और मीडिया की चहल-प‍हल बढ़ गयी। सारी कुर्सियां और दरी अब भी जनता की बाट जोह रही थीं और टीवी वाले जाने कौन सी जानकारी देने के लिए पीटीसी मारे जा रहे थे।
फोटो: अभिषेक श्रीवास्तव
सवा दस बजे एक पत्रकार मित्र के माध्‍यम से सूचना आयी कि नरेंद्र मोदी 15 मिनट पहले फ्लाइट से दिल्‍ली के लिए चले हैं। यह पारंपरिक आईएसटी (इंडियन स्‍ट्रेचेबल टाइम) के अनुकूल था, लेकिन आम लोगों का अब तक रैली में नहीं पहुंचना कुछ सवाल खड़े कर रहा था। साढ़े दस बजे के आसपास माइक से एक महिला की आवाज़ निकली। उसने सबका स्‍वागत किया और एक कवि को मंच पर बुलाया। “भारत माता की जय” के साथ कवि की बेढ़ंगी कविता शुरू हुई। फिर एक और कवि आया, जिसने छंदबद्ध गाना शुरू किया। कराची और लाहौर को भारत में मिला लेने के आह्वान वाली पंक्तियों पर अपने पीछे लाइनें दुहराने की उसकी अपील नाकाम रही क्‍योंकि कार्यकर्ता अपने प्रचार कार्य में लगे थे और दुहराने वाली जनता अब भी नदारद थी।
पौने ग्‍यारह बजे की स्थिति यह थी कि आयोजन स्‍थल पर बमुश्किल दस से बारह हजार लोग मौजूद रहे होंगे। एक पुलिस सब-इंस्‍पेक्‍टर ने (नाम लेने की जरूरत नहीं) बताया कि कुल सात हजार के आसपास सुरक्षाबल (सरकारी और निजी), 500 के आसपास मीडिया, तीन हजार के आसपास कार्यकर्ता और स्‍वयंसेवक व छिटपुट और लोग होंगे। “लोग नहीं आये अब तक?”, मैंने पूछा। वो मुस्‍कराकर बोला, “सरजी संडे है। हफ्ते भर नौकरी करने के बाद किसे पड़ी है। टीवी में देख रहे होंगे।” फिर उसने अपने दो सिपाहियों को चिल्‍ला कर कहा, “खा ले बिजेंदर, मैं तुम दोनों को भूखे नहीं मरने दूंगा।” ग्‍यारह बज चुके थे और पंडाल के भीतर तकरीबन सारे मीडिया वाले और पुलिसकर्मी भाजपा के दिये नाश्‍ते के डिब्‍बों को साफ करने में जुटे थे। मंच से कवि की आवाज आ रही थी, “मोदी मोदी मोदी मोदी”। उसने 14 बार मोदी कहा। मंच के नीचे पेडेस्‍टल पंखों और विशाल साउंड सिस्‍टम के दिल दहलाने वाले मिश्रित शोर का शर्मनाक सन्‍नाटा पसरा था और हरी दरी के नीचे की दलदली जमीन कुछ और धसक चुकी थी।
कुछ देर बाद हम निराश होकर निकल लिये। मोदी सवा बारह के आसपास आये और दिल्‍ली में हो रही जोरदार बारिश के बीच एक बजे की लाइव घोषणा यह थी कि रैली में पांच लाख लोग जुट चुके हैं। मोदी ने कहा कि ऐसी रिकॉर्ड रैली आज तक दिल्‍ली में नहीं हुई। इस वक्‍त मोबाइल पर उनका लाइव भाषण देखते हुए हम बिना फंसे रिंग रोड पार कर चुके थे। पंजाबी बाग से रोहिणी के बीच रास्‍ते में गाजियाबाद से रैली में आती बैनर, पोस्‍टर और झंडा बांधे कुल 13 बसें दिखीं। अधिकतर एक ही टूर और ट्रैवल्‍स की सफेद बसें थीं। निजी वाहनों के बारे में कुछ नहीं कहा जा सकता। हरेक बस में औसतन 20-25 लोग थे। लाल बत्तियों पर लगी कतार को छोड़ दें तो पूरा रिंग रोड (जो हरियाणा को दिल्‍ली से जोड़ता है), रोहिणी से धौला कुआं वाला रोड (गुड़गांव वाला), कुतुब से बदरपुर की ओर जाती सड़क (जो फरीदाबाद को दिल्‍ली से जोड़ती है) और बाद में उत्‍तर प्रदेश से दिल्‍ली को जोड़ने वाला आउटर रिंग रोड खाली पड़ा हुआ था। और यह दिल्‍ली की बारिश में था, जबकि जाम एक सामान्‍य दृश्‍य होता है।
 रैली में आखिर लाखों लोग आये कहां से? क्‍या सिर्फ 26 मेट्रो से? बसों और निजी वाहनों से तो जाम लग जाता, जबकि गाजियाबाद से रोहिणी और वहां से वापस रिंग रोड, आउटर रिंग रोड व भीतर के पंजाबी बाग वाले रोड को कुल 125 किलोमीटर हमने पूरा नापा। गाजियाबाद का जिक्र इसलिए विशेष तौर पर किया जाना चाहिए, क्‍योंकि राजनाथ सिंह यहां से सांसद हैं और पिछले दो दिनों से बड़े पैमाने पर यहां रैली की तैयारियां चल रही थीं। इसे इस बात से समझा जा सकता है कि मोदी की जनसभा में जितने भी नेताओं के कटआउट आये थे, सब गाजियाबाद से आये थे, जिन्‍हें एक ही कंपनी “आजाद एड” ने बनाया था। सवेरे साढ़े आठ बजे तक ये कटआउट यहां ट्रकों में भर कर पहुंच चुके थे, हालांकि गाजियाबाद से श्रोता नहीं आये थे। वापस पहुंचने पर इंदिरापुरम, गाजियाबाद के स्‍थानीय भाजपा कार्यकर्ता टीवी पर मोदी का रिपीट भाषण सुनते मिले।
फोटो: अभिषेक श्रीवास्तव
बहरहाल, मोदी जब बोल चुके थे तो भाजपा कार्यालय के एक प्रतिनिधि ने फोन पर बताया कि रैली में आने वालों की कुल संख्‍या 50,000 के आसपास थी। अगर हम इसे भी एकबारगी सही मान लें, तो याद होगा कि इतने ही लोगों की रैली पिछले साल फरवरी में दिल्‍ली में कुछ मजदूर संगठनों ने की थी और समूचा मीडिया यातायात व्‍यवस्‍था और जनजीवन अस्‍तव्‍यस्‍त हो जाने की त्राहि-त्राहि मचाये हुए था। अजीब बात है कि बिना हेलमेट पहने और लाइसेंस के बतौर भारत का झंडा उठाये दर्जनों बाइकधारी नौजवानों के आज सड़क पर होने के बावजूद कुछ भी अस्‍तव्‍यस्‍त नहीं हुआ, लाखों लोग रोहिणी जैसी सुदूर जगह पर आ भी गये और चुपचाप चले भी गये। यह नरेंद्रभाई मोदी की रैली में ही हो सकता है। उत्‍तराखंड की बाढ़ में फंसे गुजरातियों को जिस तरह उन्‍होंने एक झटके में वहां से निकाल लिया था, हो सकता है कि ऐसा ही कोई जादू चलाकर उन्‍होंने दिल्‍ली की विकास रैली में लाखों लोगों को पैदा कर दिया हो। ऐसे चमत्‍कार आंखों से दिखते कहां हैं, बस हो जाते हैं।
फोटो: अभिषेक श्रीवास्तव
ऐसे चमत्‍कारों का हालांकि खतरा बहुत होता है। उत्‍तराखंड वाले चमत्‍कार में ऐपको नाम की जनसंपर्क एजेंसी का भंडाफोड़ हो चुका है। दिल्‍ली में किस एजेंसी को भाजपा ने यह रैली आयोजित करने के लिए नियुक्‍त किया, यह नहीं पता। देर-सवेर पता चल ही जाएगा। मेरी चिंता हालांकि यह बिल्‍कुल नहीं है। मैं इस बात से चिंतित हूं कि मोदी जैसा कद्दावर शख्‍स दिल्‍ली में बोल गया और दिल्‍लीवाले नहीं आये। वजह क्‍या है? कहीं तुगलक जैसी कोई समस्‍या तो इसके पीछे नहीं छुपी है? मोदी दिल्‍लीवालों को न समझें न सही, क्‍या विजय गोयल आदि आयोजकों से भी कोई चूक हो गयी? ठीक है कि टीवी चैनलों के हवा में लटकते पचास फुटा कैमरों ने टीवी देख रहे लोगों को काम भर का भरमाया होगा, जैसा कि उसने अन्‍ना हजारे की गिरफ्तारी के समय किया था। अन्‍ना से याद आया – वह भी तो रोहिणी जेल का ही मामला था जहां दो-चार हजार लोगों को कैमरों ने एकाध लाख में बदल दिया था। इत्‍तेफाक कहें या बदकिस्‍मती कि रोहिणी में ही इतिहास ने खुद को दुहराया है। मोदी चाहें तो किसी ज्‍योतिषी से रोहिणी पर शौक़ से शोध करवा सकते हैं। वैसे रोहिणी तो एक बहाना है, असल मामला दिल्‍ली के मिजाज का है जिसे भाजपा (प्रवृत्ति और विचार के स्‍तर पर इसे अन्‍ना आंदोलन भी पढ़ सकते हैं) समझ नहीं सकी है।
भाजपा और संघ के पैरोकार वरिष्‍ठ पत्रकार वेदप्रताप वैदिक ने आज तक एक ही बात ऐसी लिखी है जो याद रखने योग्‍य है। उन्‍होंने कभी लिखा था कि इस देश का दक्षिणपंथ जनता की चेतना से बहुत पीछे की भाषा बोलता है और इस देश का वामपंथ जनता की चेतना से बहुत आगे की भाषा बोलता है। इसीलिए इस देश में दोनों नाकाम हैं। कहीं मोदी समेत भाजपा की दिक्‍कत यही तो नहीं? कहीं वे भी तो शायर मीर की तरह “लगाने” और “बनाने” का फर्क नहीं समझते? मुझे वास्‍तव में लगने लगा है कि किसी को जाकर नरेंद्रभाई दामोदरदास मोदी को यह बात गंभीरता से समझानी चाहिए कि 29 सितंबर, 2013 को दिल्‍ली के जापानी पार्क में उनकी “बनी” नहीं, “लग” गयी है। गालिब तो शेर कह के निकल लिये, इस “भारत मां के शेर” का संकट उनसे कहीं बड़ा है। दिल्‍लीवालों ने आज संडे को टीवी देखकर मोदी और भाजपा की आबरू का सरे दिल्‍ली में जनाजा ही निकाल दिया है।
फोटो: अभिषेक श्रीवास्तव
फोटो: अभिषेक श्रीवास्तव

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